The Korean-Chinese enclave economy in Shenyang city, Liaoning province, assumes the characteristic of 'double ethnic enclave economy' with 'double ethnic resources,' Korean-Chinese ethnic group and Korean nationalities. For Korean businesses which mak ...
The Korean-Chinese enclave economy in Shenyang city, Liaoning province, assumes the characteristic of 'double ethnic enclave economy' with 'double ethnic resources,' Korean-Chinese ethnic group and Korean nationalities. For Korean businesses which make advances into the Chinese market, Korean-Chinese is a bridge to cross the cultural and language barriers while for Korean-Chinese, Koreans are the source of capital, information (here, the experience of Korean-Chinese having worked in South Korea plays an important role), and consumers. But this ethnic economy has two contrasting aspects of competition and cooperation, and has the potential of being broken into two enclave economies as was seen in the case of new-comer Koreans and old-comer Koreans in Japan. For this ethnic economy to be an integrated one, it should develop into a networked economy overcoming spatial constraints through networking beyond direct integration (capital or management partnership, hiring of Korean-Chinese by Korean enterprises), and vertical integration (wholesale and retail trade, high-value items and low-prices ones).
Ikuno is one of the areas where Korean migrants and their descendants are most concentrated in Japan. Many of the first generation of Korean migrants in this area came to Japan in the period between 1930 and 1945. The aim of this study is to explore the change in characteristics of Korean migrants’ businesses by generation, focusing on the role of ethnic networks including ethnic financial organs on their businesses. The results of my questionnaire survey and interviews with Korean entrepreneurs, conducted in December 2005 and January 2006 in Ikuno, suggest that many Korean migrants’ businesses are still small-scaled, but more entrepreneurs have come to use Japanese mainstream business partners and banks. One of the main reasons why Korean entrepreneurs are turning to the Japanese mainstream business partners and banks is that Koreans have become more accepted by the Japanese mainstream market than before. Another reason is that the Korean migrant community in Japan is too small to gain business opportunities and finance. Finally, Korean banks charge higher interests rate compared to that of the mainstream banks. In conclusion, the role of ethnic networks and banks on Korean businesses is getting smaller as they become success.
The study on ethnic Koreans’ small businesses in Central Asia shows several characteristics of ethnic minorities’. First of all, it was revealed that many Koreans in Central Asia could have a chance to accumulate their capital enough to establish their small businesses by way of Kobonji, a collective organization of labor contribution and division of earned income among participants. Second, the scale of small businesses among Koreans in Central Asia turned out to be pretty small, reflecting the difficult economic conditions in Kazakhstan. Bazaar is the typical form of ethnic Korean business in Central Asia. Third, about 30 percent of employees in Korean small businesses consisted of Koreans. It suggests that employees of the same ethnic origin are preferred to those of different ethnicity. Finally, this study shows that there are many types of barriers hindering small businesses of Korean owners in Kazakhstan. Those barriers include complexities of taxes, difficulties in obtaining necessary licenses or permits and adequate credits, excessive intervention in business by various governmental organizations.