The "Licentiousness" of the 19th Century Southern Vietnamese Women, and Its Implication

Choi, Byung Wook

This study looks for the background of an astonishingly negative image of the E ...

The "Licentiousness" of the 19th Century Southern Vietnamese Women, and Its Implication

Choi, Byung Wook

This study looks for the background of an astonishingly negative image of the Emperor Minh Mang (1820-1841) on his southern female subjects: "The women of Gia Dinh (southern Vietnam) are usually very licentious." Ironically, however, his first wife was from Gia Dinh, and his favorite first daughter-in-law was also from the same region.

It can be discussed that Minh Mang intentionally exaggerated the image of southern women as licentious with his political intention. To Minh Mang, who had been engaged with the task of incorporating southern Vietnam, southern women (southerners in general) were licentious, so that it was necessary for him to teach them. To teach them, southerners should be under his direct reach. At the same time, the semi-autonomous southern governors-general and their organizations should be removed only to be replaced by his own administrative units. In this context, the 'licentiousness' was no more than a politically portrayed image.

However, this article pays more attention to the historical elements which could have been regarded and described as "licentious (or licentiousness)."

As the first element, the higher status of southern women compared with those in central and northern Vietnam is discussed. The status of southern women was due to the recent experience of new land where women's labour force was highly demanded leading to women's higher right on properties. In addition, unlike to their counterparts in northern and central Vietnam where the cooperative spirit of village was high, southern families were more independent. Consequently, remarriage, for woman's part, was not a reluctant choice after her separation from her husband mainly due to his death.

The second element is the common activities of southern women in the field of commerce which was prospering in southern Vietnam. The most of southern women were familiar with riding small boats for their businesses reaching to much far distance compared with northern and central women whose activities were usually limited within a bamboo-hedged village. Longer journey on the boats or ships provided women with more opportunities to contact with men leading to possibly higher cases of 'licentious' relationships.

Thirdly, the practices of adultery and prostitution in southern Vietnam are discussed as concrete examples of 'licentious' activities. Though severely punished in theory, adultery was observed not as rare in practice. Prostitution was just one of usual occupations in southern society where extreme poverty did not exist. In reality, author argues, demand for prostitution represented prospering domestic and international commerce of the 19th century southern Vietnam.

Southern noble women including Minh Mang's first wife and daughter-in-law, were from the rich landlord families who began to be influential in the central politics from the 19th century. And many other southern women famous for their exemplary activities were based on their commercial activities or economic well beings.

Namely, the background of both licentious and exemplary women was the growing force of southern economy during the 19th century.

In this context, the conclusion of this article suggests that the 'licentiousness' should be interpreted as the 'power,' 'dynamics,' or 'potentials' of the 19th century southern Vietnam.